What The Democratic Response To Trump’s Address To Congress SHOULD Have Looked Like

Good Evening. I’m Elissa Slotkin. I’m a Democratic Senator representing the great state of Michigan. And I’m giving the Democratic Party response to Donald Trump’s address to the joint Congress. It is a tradition in America that when the President speaks to the Congress on the state of our union, the opposition party sends a person to deliver a response. And as is also tradition in both parties, that person is someone you’ve probably never even heard of.

But that’s okay. Because I’m just like you. I think I’m just like the millions of people who since January 20, get up every day and ask, “What fresh hell has that fucking moron inflicted on the planet today?”

And I venture to say that now includes a lot of people who voted for Trump. I’ve seen the social media posts from people who voted for Trump but lost their government jobs because of Elon Musk’s haphazard firings. I’ve seen the town halls where people in districts that voted for Trump by double digits are asking their Republican Congressmen why they don’t stand up to Trump and Musk and why they should treat Trump like our king.

We were promised that if we elected Trump, the price of eggs would go down. Instead, it has skyrocketed due to bird flu, something that the Trump Administration hasn’t done anything about because of the hands-off policies of its bureaucrats. Those who still have jobs.

Tonight, Mr. Trump took credit for everything he could possibly imagine, but what he didn’t tell you is that just this Tuesday, the stock market crashed by over 500 points because his broad-based tariffs came into effect against countries including China, Mexico and Canada. And because of his belligerent posture towards Canada in particular, and his betrayal of Ukraine, Canada and other NATO countries are asking themselves if they should work together without the United States.

It’s almost as if Elon Musk and Donald Trump were hired by a hostile government to destroy our international alliances and economic infrastructure so that China and Russia could divide up the world.

And when I say that, I know what some of you are thinking. “Democrat hoax”, “witch hunt”, “no colusion”, “RussiaRussiaRussia” – I’ve heard it all before. And you have too.

I’m not telling you that Vladmir Putin has blackmailed Trump. I can’t tell you that Putin has bribed Trump. But you need to ask yourself a serious question: If Donald Trump WERE a known Russian agent, would he be doing anything differently?

Would he not be trying to normalize relations with Putin? Would he not be trying to start trade deals with Russia, to break the sanctions regime that is even now crippling Putin’s ability to wage war on the innocent? Would he not be agreeing with Putin’s demand that peace negotiations occur without Ukraine, or the EU, and that Ukraine must agree to a new election to remove Volodomyr Zelenskyy before a final peace deal is signed? Would we be agreeing to lower our defenses to Russia? This week, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth announced that we would no longer engage in cyberoperations against the Russian Federation. I would like to ask Mr. Hegseth a question: Did we ask our new buddies in Moscow if they would return the favor?

Would we be giving that treatment to any other nation, including our allies? Would we be giving so much deference towards any Democratic president, or indeed, any other Republican?

That’s why I’m here to represent the Democratic Party. Because it’s our job to represent the voters of this country, to defend working people, not billionaires and oligarchs. To defend our rights under the Constitution, not treat the president like a divine monarch.

Or not. I mean, I can only speak for myself. Because I don’t know what the national Democratic Party leadership has planned to deal with all of this leading up to the next election. I don’t think they do either. I mean, if the party knew how to get its collective thumb out of its collective ass last year, we wouldn’t be in this mess now, would we?

At least when it became obvious that our president was too old to handle the job, we got a replacement candidate. Trump is only three years younger than Joe Biden but acts older. Maybe that’s why he’s got Elon as his handler.

We didn’t really have much of a plan for the economy, or Ukraine, other than to keep doing what we were doing, which nobody liked. But still, in 2024, Joe Biden’s America, we reached a historically low unemployment rate. Gross domestic product expanded over 3 percent. Since Joe Biden took office, overall employment is up 12%, average pay is up 19%. Your Social Security was safe. Your Medicare was safe. And America was respected throughout the world as a strong defender of freedom.

Admit it… doesn’t that sound so much nicer than what we’ve got right now?

So, in less than two years, America is going to have a congressional midterm election. And if you’ve decided by then that you’ve had too much winning, remember, the Democrats are here for you. Or, Trump could suspend all elections and have us deported to Guantanamo. But hey, I hear Cuba has free health care.

Thank You, and God Bless America.

The Constitution 2.0 (Part Four)

Most of the remaining Constitution can stand as is, although I want to do some analysis.

Article IV

Section 1

Full Faith and Credit shall be given in each State to the public Acts, Records, and judicial Proceedings of every other State. And the Congress may by general Laws prescribe the Manner in which such Acts, Records and Proceedings shall be proved, and the Effect thereof.

Section 2

The Citizens of each State shall be entitled to all Privileges and Immunities of Citizens in the several States.

A Person charged in any State with Treason, Felony, or other Crime, who shall flee from Justice, and be found in another State, shall on Demand of the executive Authority of the State from which he fled, be delivered up, to be removed to the State having Jurisdiction of the Crime.

No Person held to Service or Labour in one State, under the Laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in Consequence of any Law or Regulation therein, be discharged from such Service or Labour, but shall be delivered up on Claim of the Party to whom such Service or Labour may be due.

Section 3

New States may be admitted by the Congress into this Union; but no new State shall be formed or erected within the Jurisdiction of any other State; nor any State be formed by the Junction of two or more States, or Parts of States, without the Consent of the Legislatures of the States concerned as well as of the Congress.

The Congress shall have Power to dispose of and make all needful Rules and Regulations respecting the Territory or other Property belonging to the United States; and nothing in this Constitution shall be so construed as to Prejudice any Claims of the United States, or of any particular State.

Section 4

The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a Republican Form of Government, and shall protect each of them against Invasion; and on Application of the Legislature, or of the Executive (when the Legislature cannot be convened) against domestic Violence.

Article V

The original text: The Congress, whenever two thirds of both Houses shall deem it necessary, shall propose Amendments to this Constitution, or, on the Application of the Legislatures of two thirds of the several States, shall call a Convention for proposing Amendments, which, in either Case, shall be valid to all Intents and Purposes, as Part of this Constitution, when ratified by the Legislatures of three fourths of the several States, or by Conventions in three fourths thereof, as the one or the other Mode of Ratification may be proposed by the Congress; Provided that no Amendment which may be made prior to the Year One thousand eight hundred and eight shall in any Manner affect the first and fourth Clauses in the Ninth Section of the first Article; and that no State, without its Consent, shall be deprived of its equal Suffrage in the Senate.

Now, given that this article exists, it raises the question of why my project is even necessary. Well, the fact that we have never had a Constitutional Convention called by the states since original passage, that most Amendments were passed through the Congress or being ratified separately by states, and that the 27th Amendment was the last one enacted (in 1992) but actually proposed in 1789, indicates that while it is supposed to be hard to change the foundational law of the government, the process in practice is prohibitively difficult.

But again, my proposal at this moment is just that, at the proposal stage. It could still be used in an actual constitutional convention, and parts could be ratified by states. There is nothing I propose that would stand against Article V, given that its only real prohibition is against changing “equal Suffrage in the Senate” (two Senators per State) and that remains the case in my Article II.

Article VI

Original text: All Debts contracted and Engagements entered into, before the Adoption of this Constitution, shall be as valid against the United States under this Constitution, as under the Confederation.

This Constitution, and the Laws of the United States which shall be made in Pursuance thereof; and all Treaties made, or which shall be made, under the Authority of the United States, shall be the supreme Law of the Land; and the Judges in every State shall be bound thereby, any Thing in the Constitution or Laws of any State to the Contrary notwithstanding.

The Senators and Representatives before mentioned, and the Members of the several State Legislatures, and all executive and judicial Officers, both of the United States and of the several States, shall be bound by Oath or Affirmation, to support this Constitution; but no religious Test shall ever be required as a Qualification to any Office or public Trust under the United States.

This first paragraph would be modified as “all debts contracted and engagements entered into before the adoption of this Constitution shall be as valid against the United States as under the prior Constitution.”

The second paragraph is similar to my Article I section 17, “The laws of each State, and their State Constitutions, remain in effect upon ratifying this Constitution, except insofar as they are contradicted by it.” It is still specific enough to stand as necessary.

I would also add the text of Section 4 of the 14th Amendment, “The validity of the public debt of the United States, authorized by law, including debts incurred for payment of pensions and bounties for services in suppressing insurrection or rebellion, shall not be questioned. But neither the United States nor any state shall assume or pay any debt or obligation incurred in aid of insurrection or rebellion against the United States, but all such debts, obligations and claims shall be held illegal and void.”

Article VII

The Ratification of the Conventions of nine States, shall be sufficient for the Establishment of this Constitution between the States so ratifying the Same.


There we go. Again, it is presumptuous of me to think I can solve the problems with our Constitution in just this one project, but this is both a first draft and a starting point for debate. Because such radical changes might have been unthinkable to a lot of people, but the need for debate becomes more necessary by the day, and the need for change is coming sooner than most of us would want.

Because in my next post I will have to leave the realm of speculation and return to the here and now, where our political situation has been getting worse by the day.

The Constitution 2.0 (Part Three)

In this post I will go over the judicial branch of the Constitution, which is still Article III. It is mostly unchanged. Mostly.

Article III

Section One

The judicial power of the United States is established in the federal judiciary of the United States, at this time consisting of ninety four federal judicial districts, under thirteen judicial circuits, administered by a Supreme Court. The Supreme Court shall number thirteen Justices who will each administer one of the Judicial Circuits. The Congress may at its discretion create new inferior courts and judicial circuits, but must appoint one new Supreme Court Justice to administer each Judicial Circuit.

Section Two

No federal Judge, including a member of the Supreme Court, shall serve if they are not licensed to practice law in at least one State, and shall not serve if they are not at least thirty years of age and a United States citizen for at least ten years. No federal Judge, including a member of the Supreme Court, shall serve past the age of seventy-five and upon reaching such age shall retire and the Congress shall appoint a replacement. Federal judges, including members of the Supreme Court, are each appointed to one fifteen-year term, limited only in cases of death, retirement or exceeding the age limit.

The Judges of both the Supreme and inferior courts, shall hold their Offices during good Behaviour, and shall, at stated Times, receive for their Services, a Compensation, which shall not be diminished during their Continuance in Office.

The Congress may at its discretion create rules of Ethics for the judiciary to follow, all such rules binding on inferior courts shall also be binding on the Supreme Court.

Section Three

The judicial Power shall extend to all Cases, in Law and Equity, arising under this Constitution, the Laws of the United States, and Treaties made, or which shall be made, under their Authority;—to all Cases affecting Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls;—to all Cases of admiralty and maritime Jurisdiction;—to Controversies to which the United States shall be a Party;—to Controversies between two or more States;—between a State and Citizens of another State,—between Citizens of different States,—between Citizens of the same State claiming Lands under Grants of different States, and between a State, or the Citizens thereof, and foreign States, Citizens or Subjects.

In all Cases affecting Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls, and those in which a State shall be Party, the supreme Court shall have original Jurisdiction. In all the other Cases before mentioned, the supreme Court shall have appellate Jurisdiction, both as to Law and Fact, with such Exceptions, and under such Regulations as the Congress shall make.

The Trial of all Crimes, except in Cases of Impeachment, shall be by Jury; and such Trial shall be held in the State where the said Crimes shall have been committed; but when not committed within any State, the Trial shall be at such Place or Places as the Congress may by Law have directed.

Section Four

Treason against the United States, shall consist only in levying War against them, or in adhering to their Enemies, giving them Aid and Comfort. No Person shall be convicted of Treason unless on the Testimony of two Witnesses to the same overt Act, or on Confession in open Court.

The Congress shall have Power to declare the Punishment of Treason, but no Attainder of Treason shall work Corruption of Blood, or Forfeiture except during the Life of the Person attainted.

NOTES

As you see, most of this is taken from the original text, except for the first two sections. The current set of courts is detailed, indicating that the new Constitution is meant to apply to the current government and supersede current law as necessary. The Supreme Court is expanded, if only to cover the difference between the number of justices and the number of judicial circuits. The main changes are in Section Two, detailing not only the point that ethics rules apply to the Supreme Court but so do both age limits and term limits. It is also specified that a judge must be qualified to practice law, and must be of minimum age and a US citizen. None of this was in the original text. It is perhaps telling the priority the Founders had for the judicial system that they did not impose the same standard of qualifications that they put on the legislature and the executive.

Next time I want to go over the remaining Constitution, which can stand as is, although I want to do some analysis.