Food For Thought

Relevant to the current political debate:

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hannah_Arendt#Critique_of_human_rights

“In The Origins of Totalitarianism, Hannah Arendt devotes a lengthy chapter (The Decline of the Nation-State and the End of the Rights of Man) to a critical analysis of human rights, in what has been described as “the most widely read essay on refugees ever published”. Arendt is not skeptical of the notion of political rights in general, but instead defends a national or civil conception of rights. Human rights, or the Rights of Man as they were commonly called, are universal, inalienable, and possessed simply by virtue of being human. In contrast, civil rights are possessed by virtue of belonging to a political community, most commonly by being a citizen. Arendt’s primary criticism of human rights is that they are ineffectual and illusory because their enforcement is in tension with national sovereignty. She argued that since there is no political authority above that of sovereign nations, state governments have little incentive to respect human rights when such policies conflict with national interests. This can be seen most clearly by examining the treatment of refugees and other stateless people. Since the refugee has no state to secure their civil rights, the only rights they have to fall back on are human rights. In this way Arendt uses the refugee as a test case for examining human rights in isolation from civil rights.

Arendt’s analysis draws on the refugee upheavals in the first half of the twentieth century along with her own experience as a refugee fleeing Nazi Germany. She argued that as state governments began to emphasize national identity as a prerequisite for full legal status, the number of minority resident aliens increased along with the number of stateless persons whom no state was willing to recognize legally. The two potential solutions to the refugee problem, repatriation and naturalization, both proved incapable of solving the crisis. Arendt argued that repatriation failed to solve the refugee crisis because no government was willing to take them in and claim them as their own. When refugees were forcibly deported to neighboring countries, such immigration was deemed illegal by the receiving country, and so failed to change the fundamental status of the migrants as stateless. Attempts at naturalizing and assimilating refugees also had little success. This failure was primarily the result of resistance from both state governments and the majority of citizens, since both tended to see the refugees as undesirables who threatened their national identity. Resistance to naturalization also came from the refugees themselves who resisted assimilation and attempted to maintain their own ethnic and national identities. Arendt contends that neither naturalization nor the tradition of asylum was capable of handling the sheer number of refugees. Instead of accepting some refugees with legal status, the state often responded by denaturalizing minorities who shared national or ethnic ties with stateless refugees.

“Arendt argues that the consistent mistreatment of refugees, most of whom were placed in internment camps, is evidence against the existence of human rights. If the notion of human rights as universal and inalienable is to be taken seriously, the rights must be realizable given the features of the modern liberal state. She concluded “The Rights of Man, supposedly inalienable, proved to be unenforceable–even in countries whose constitutions were based upon them–whenever people appeared who were no longer citizens of any sovereign state”. Arendt contends that they are not realizable because they are in tension with at least one feature of the liberal state—national sovereignty. One of the primary ways in which a nation exercises sovereignty is through control over national borders. State governments consistently grant their citizens free movement to traverse national borders. In contrast, the movement of refugees is often restricted in the name of national interests. This restriction presents a dilemma for liberalism because liberal theorists typically are committed to both human rights and the existence of sovereign nations.

In one of her most quoted passages she puts forward the concept that human rights are little more than an abstraction:

“The conception of human rights based upon the assumed existence of a human being as such broke down at the very moment when those who professed to believe in it were for the first time confronted with people who had indeed lost all other qualities and specific relationships – except that they were still human. The world found nothing sacred in the abstract nakedness of being human.”

 

Rules For Reactionaries

I mentioned at the end of my last post that such success that The Party of Trump has had thus far, and such strength as they still hold after the midterms, is because they are doing a better job with asymmetrical social warfare than the Left, even though in the 60s and 70s, that sort of thing was the Left’s stock in trade. But in the big picture, this shouldn’t be surprising.

If there is anything that the leftist “progressive” and right-wing reactionary have in common, it is a shared contempt for the establishment in both its classical liberal and social democrat faces, the kind of people who run things in Washington, New York, London and the EU Parliament. The all-powerful club to which nobody that we know belongs. But that club is generally more sympathetic to liberal-left concerns than social conservative or nationalist concerns. Those people feel very keenly outside the system and are more willing to work outside it or even tear it down than the “Democratic Socialists” who might get a foot in the door through conventional politics.

That explains why more AM radio talk-show hosts know Rules for Radicals than the average Antifa protestor.

You may ask, what is Rules for Radicals?

Exactly.

Rules for Radicals (ISBN 0-394-44341-1) was written by Saul Alinsky in 1971, shortly before his death. Alinsky was a Chicago community organizer (like Barack Obama…) who wanted to set down the rules he came up with for community activism.

If anything, this book seems to be more popular among the American Right than the Left. I say this because when I looked for it’s entry on the Amazon website, there was at least one right-wing answer book, like How to Trump SJWs: Using Alinsky’s ‘Rules for Radicals’ Against Liberals.

It kind of makes sense. The fact that somebody on the Left actually did create a how-to handbook for cultural subversion appeals to the paranoid sensibilities of right-wingers who are convinced that everything they don’t like is a plot by George Soros or some other elitist handing down marching orders and strategies. (Even as all the leftists who act like the Koch Brothers go to monthly strategy meetings with David Duke, Montgomery Burns and Count Orlock are convinced that all THEIR ideas are completely organic.)

Now, Rules for Radicals is available for cheap on Amazon and a few other places, but I didn’t want to wait for a copy and I don’t want to subscribe to Kindle. Fortunately I discovered it is available on archive.org. https://archive.org/stream/RulesForRadicals/RulesForRadicals_djvu.txt So I’ve been looking at it.

To start, there’s the Prologue, where Alinsky says, among other things: “There’s another reason for working inside the system. Dostoevski (sic) said that taking a new step is what people fear most. Any revolutionary change must be preceded by a passive, affirmative, non-challenging attitude towards change among the mass of our people. They must feel so frustrated, so defeated, so lost, so futureless in the prevailing system that they are willing to let go of the past and chance the future.”

Well, here we are.

Going into the first chapter, “The Purpose”, Alinsky makes his statement: “The Prince was written by Machiavelli for the Haves on how to hold power. Rules for Radicals is written for the Have-Nots on how to take it away.”

After some discussion of morals versus dogma, this leads to the chapter “Of Means and Ends.” This goes into several rules that Alinsky defines for the ethics of means and ends, such as: “The ninth rule of the ethics of means and ends is that any effective means is automatically judged by the opposition as being unethical.”

Rules for Radicals goes on at great length on various subjects, but in terms of my point – how Alinsky’s approach is relevant to various times, and how the Right has (deliberately or otherwise) absorbed it more thoroughly than the leftists for whom Alinsky wrote the book – I want to focus on the section called “Tactics.”

Alinsky starts by saying: “Tactics means doing what you can with what you have.” As with “Of Means and Ends,” this chapter is organized by a list of rules, which I will go over in turn with regard to how they are applied by the “alt” right in general and the Trump team in particular.

Alinsky starts the list with: “Always remember the first rule of power tactics:

Power is not only what you have but what the enemy thinks you have.”

Certainly Trump didn’t have any real power before getting into politics, but more than one person has pointed out his similarity to P.T. Barnum, the difference being that the discolored circus freak he is hustling is himself. He did a great job of presenting himself as being more financially competent than he actually was, and in this country, people think that being rich means that you’re competent, whereas in Great Britain or Czarist Russia, it was commonly understood that anyone with money usually got it by being an inbred upper-class twit. And even though everyone in the press knew Trump had gone bankrupt at least six times, he still projected himself as someone who knew what was going on, and the Clinton Democrats couldn’t call him on it. Partially because of the rules that follow.

“The second rule is: Never go outside the expertise of your people. When an action or tactic is outside the expertise of the people, the result is confusion, fear and retreat. It also means a collapse of communication, as we have noted.

“The third rule is: Whenever possible, go outside the experience of the enemy. Here you want to cause confusion, fear and retreat.”

Well, it’s not like Trump has technical expertise in, uh, anything, but he really is great at making other people act outside their expertise. That’s how he won. He ran for the Republican nomination and once he got it, he got elected because his opponents didn’t know how to react to his attitude. They still don’t. I mean, he could say “two and two is five” and you could say two and two makes four, and he would go “fake news.” How do you counter that?

(I mean, besides taking his obvious ignorance at face value and subjecting him to the same deliberate shunning and contempt that the media usually reserves for third-party candidates. But apparently nobody thought of that.)

“The fourth rule is: Make the enemy live up to its own book of rules. You can kill them with this, for they can no more obey their own rules than the Christian church can live up to Christianity.

“The fourth rule carries within it the fifth rule: Ridicule is man’s most potent weapon. It is almost impossible to counterattack ridicule. Also, it infuriates the opposition, who then react to your advantage.”

This dynamic is one of Trump’s strongest traits. He is not a “radical” in the leftist sense, but he is outside the (generically liberal) establishment. To the extent that he had a grand strategy, it was the realization, shared by Bernie Sanders, that he didn’t stand a chance of promoting his national agenda outside the two-party system. He was an “outsider” in the sense of being outside the Republican political system, but not so much of an outsider that he was going to go third-party. And once he got the Republican nomination, the “rules” suddenly turned to his benefit since now he was representing a (once) respectable part of the system, and by two-party binary logic, anybody who didn’t like Democrats had to support him, no matter their objective qualms. That became much more a factor once he became president. Democrats and others can’t really stoop to his level if they want to preserve the system of rules and norms that they had previously lived under. This also means that as good at Trump is at applying ridicule, it’s harder to turn such tactics against him. Partially because he’s already ridiculous yet still has a support base. It is nevertheless true that however impotent his opponents may be in the political arena short-term, ridicule still serves to serves to infuriate him and throw him off.

The sixth rule is: A good tactic is one that your people enjoy. If your people are not having a ball doing it, there is something very wrong with the tactic.

(Corollary) “The seventh rule: A tactic that goes on too long becomes a drag. Man can sustain militant interest in any issue for only a limited time, after which it becomes a ritualistic commitment, like going to church on Sunday mornings.”

This is pretty clearly demonstrated in the playful, unserious dynamic of Trump with the audience he has at his various rallies. He says various stupid and belligerent things, which in the short term at least serve only to tweak liberals and other eggheads, which both he and the audience enjoy. This can indeed go on too long, but boredom with a tactic assumes both a capacity for imagination and a capacity to realize that it has gone on too long with no practical reward, and that is hard to do if you, like both Trump and his stereotypical fan, have the attention span of a fruit fly.

“The eighth rule: Keep the pressure on, with different tactics and actions, and utilize all events of the period for your purpose.”

This goes along with the general principle of changing things up so that the opponent cannot adapt. Trump, as seen, is very good at this. The non-Trumpers are not so good at this. And as Trump continues in his official role, he and his marginally more professional staff are beginning to adapt to the methods of the establishment so that they can prevail, as they eventually did in crafting a “Muslim ban” that the Supreme Court could live with. This also means that the only way of countering this dynamic is for the opposition to learn its use against Trump. That should be easier now that Democrats have a House majority that they can use to start official investigations of Trump malfeasance, but it’s clear that they don’t have much appetite for pressure tactics even when they have the resources to apply them.

“The ninth rule: The threat is usually more terrifying than the thing itself.”

Where Trump is concerned, this is usually simple bullying. It’s how he’s gotten most Republicans and even establishment Democrats to go along with him. But it works both ways. According to recent reports, Trump had wanted to prosecute Hillary Clinton and former FBI head James Comey but his White House attorney Don McGahn persuaded him otherwise, on the grounds that he could suffer “a range of consequences, including possible impeachment.” The upside to dealing with such a negative personality is that he makes his own weaknesses obvious.

“The tenth rule: The major premise for tactics is the development of operations that will maintain a constant pressure on the opposition. It is this unceasing pressure that results from the reaction of the opposition that are essential to the success of the campaign. It should be remembered not only that the action is in the reaction but that that action is itself the consequence of reaction and reaction to the reaction, ad infinitum. The pressure produces the reaction, and constant pressure sustains action.”

“The eleventh rule is: If you push a negative hard enough it will break through to its counterside; this is based on the principle that every positive has its negative.”

In Rules for Radicals, Alinsky gave an example from his own history where one corporation that he organized against took the step of breaking into his house and obtaining keys from that home to burglarize Alinsky’s place of business. Nothing of monetary value was taken in either burglary, only records applying to the corporation. As Alinsky put it, “the corporation might just as well have left its fingerprints all over the place.” That being the case, Alinsky told them that they would be confronted with that crime and others before a US Senate Subcommittee. “In a fight almost anything goes. It almost reaches the point where you stop to apologize if a chance blow lands above the belt.”

It should be obvious how this principle applies to Trump. He wins by being so obviously negative and shameless about it that it’s redundant to call it out. The problem with “pushing the negative hard enough” is that in his case the fan club is consistently devoted, but the less devoted are dropping out. We are seeing the results in the Democratic turnout for the midterms.

“The twelfth rule is: The price of a successful attack is a constructive alternative. You cannot risk being trapped by the enemy in his sudden agreement with your demand and saying ‘You’re right – we don’t know what to do about this issue. Now you tell us.”

As I’ve been saying, this has been the issue with the Republican Party, not just Trump, all along. For all their attacks on the Democratic establishment, the Republican Party outside Trump has utterly failed to provide a constructive alternative, and the result was that when the pressure campaign ultimately achieved the desired result – a Republican takeover of government – they failed to deliver on their promises. The result was what we got with the midterms. The problem with not having a constructive alternative is reduced somewhat with the Trumpniks, because they never cared about constructive alternatives. They are in fact so “radicalized” against the establishment in both major parties that they’ve gone all the way to nihilism. As Rolling Stone’s Matt Taibbi put it in this week’s analysis, “Will (Trump’s policies) accomplish anything except chaos? Hell, no. But chaos is what Trump voters asked for.The press has steadfastly refused to understand this aspect of Trump’s pitch. The subtext of his run wasn’t about making America great again. It was, Let’s fuck shit up. If Obama voters understood “change” as a genuine call to idealism, Trump voters understood it as a chair through a plate-glass window, the start of a riot. In a time of extreme cynicism and existential gloom, Trump is a doomsday cult, giving voters permission to unleash their inner monster. What makes this dangerous is that the appeal isn’t limited to racists. It extends to anyone who’s pissed off about anything. Trump is the match to burn it all down.”

The flip side, as Taibbi’s statement implies, is that not everybody who voted for Trump was a racist. But neither were all of them nihilists. Some of them actually expected a constructive alternative and didn’t get it. As I said in the last post, the conditions of statewide Senate races are such that the culture-war appeals of the Trumpniks are more likely to work than in Congressional District races where politics actually is local. That’s why those tactics still worked for maintaining the Senate lead but failed to hold the House.

Or, as I keep saying, the lesson of the 2016 election for the Democrats was that if making liberals cry was the only thing that mattered, then Trump would have won the popular vote. Some of them seem to have figured that out by now. But what Republicans still haven’t figured out is that Hillary Clinton did win the popular vote, because the rest of the country knew that making liberals cry wasn’t the only thing that mattered.

“The thirteenth rule: Pick the target, freeze it, personalize it, and polarize it.”

At this point in his book, Alinsky goes into a great deal of elaboration. But in terms of how the point applies to the alt-Right, let alone the radical Left, it’s arguably the first rule that applies, not the last.

Alinsky admits that in a complex society, it is difficult to single out who is to blame for any particular evil. Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama think in terms of a complex society. But Clinton never won any national races (and lost her first attempt at the Democratic nomination) and Obama’s record in addressing America’s long-term issues is in retrospect mixed. Whereas if you single out a target that people can personalize and identify – like Bernie Sanders did with “the billionaire class” or Trump does with whoever put a hair up his ass this week – you have much greater results. In Alinsky’s critique, which remember was meant to be applied by the Left, “all issues must be polarized if action is to follow.” There is no room for middle ground. The fact that reality is not actually all black-and-white doesn’t help the struggle. For reasons of both emotional commitment and intellectual focus, the conflict must be simplified, even by those who know better.

This is how both Sanders and Trump were able to cast themselves primarily as enemies of each party’s establishment at least as much as enemies to the opposing party. It didn’t hurt that both of them actually were a bigger threat to each party’s establishment than they were to the opposing party.

Again, in the broader sense, Trump wins insofar as he can reduce everything down to culture war. He loses when Democrats can turn public attention to other matters. But here’s how old-time leftist radicalism flips around to inspire its reactionary opposite.

I’ve been looking at a few “conservative” sites and the general theme of the bloggers and commenters is that they’re under siege from the PC Left, “Cultural Marxists” and Islamists, who they must know are not all the same thing, but they all seem to be threatening the American Way of Life. (Remember, bringing up complex reality mucks up a good narrative.) But some of the more reflective bloggers, like Rod Dreher, are making the point that the Left, especially at colleges, are that much more prone to black-and-white morality than any Ayn Rand fan. The reason that this country could survive with Catholics, Protestants, Jews and Muslims all in one mix is that legally we weren’t supposed to let religion intrude on civic policy, and in turn that situation allowed everyone to coexist. Now (again, in these conservatives’ minds) leftists are trying to enforce a situation where people with “traditional” beliefs are unwelcome, passed aside for job promotions, shouted over when they speak at universities, and so on. And a lot of the Left’s success in the social arena, particularly the tactic of “pick a target, freeze it, personalize it and polarize it” can be traced to the thoughts of Saul Alinsky and his peers, even if not everyone on the Left has a deep grasp of the intellectual heritage. It’s not enough to say that the opposition is wrong or mistaken in their premises. They have to be Objectively EVIL. Alinsky is in fact explicit about this:

“The classic statement on polarization comes from Christ: “He that is not with me is against me” (Luke 1 1:23). He allowed no middle ground to the moneychangers in the Temple. One acts decisively only in the conviction that all the angels are on one side and all the devils on the other. A leader may struggle toward a decision and weigh the merits and demerits of a situation which is 52 per cent positive and 48 per cent negative, but once the decision is reached he must assume that his cause is 100 per cent positive and the opposition 100 per cent negative. He can’t toss forever in limbo, and avoid decision. He can’t weigh arguments or reflect endlessly — he must decide and act.”

So if you’re not on the Left, and you see these guys kicking your ass in the social arena over and over again, and you already feel yourself to be in a “minority-majority country” (because not even all white people agree with you), you start looking for how this came to be and you consider the tactics that the Left used to switch from being the “Have-Nots” to the “Haves.” You recognize that despite all your money, power and White Privilege (TM) you are on the outside where it counts, and you do what the original merry pranksters did- use the enemy’s rules against them, and break their script, because then they won’t know how to react. And this really all comes together when the guy who, despite his money, fame and privilege is definitely an outsider in the Cool Kids’ Club, Donald Trump, shows up. And then everybody is on board with the same polarized strategy: Fight back and make liberals cry.

But the Right, in being so scared of the subversive Cultural Marxists that they were willing to sell their souls to beat them at their own game, didn’t just prostitute themselves to the Bizarro-Ray version of Bill Clinton for the sake of winning elections. They decided that winning elections and grasping political power was more important than all that stuff they wanted to gain power to preserve, like Christian morality. Or the Constitution. And now it’s starting to slip away, because some people are finally starting to pay attention.

It is of course the fault of the Right if they want to take all the wrong lessons from other people’s example, but it was the Left that gave them the intellectual tools to shift the terrain.

If you guys on the Left are still wondering how the Right keeps beating you, it’s because they’ve been stealing your material since at least Mussolini, and you still haven’t caught on.

If This Is What Democracy Looks Like, It Needs A Makeover

Well, if there was a Blue Wave in the midterm elections, it crashed right up against a red wave, as it turned out that the huge increase in midterm votes, including early voting, accrued to both major parties. So while at one point before Republicans got themselves all hot and bothered over Brett Kavanaugh, Democrats thought they might get the Senate back in addition to the House, they ended up losing seats there, even though at least two races in Arizona and Florida are still up for grabs, but late returns are also projecting that Democrats will pick up at least 38 seats.  Still, despite things going largely their way, Democrats complain about the Senate results because the states where the contests occurred had roughly 12.5 million more Democratic than Republican votes.

I mean, not long ago, Democrats were complaining that they couldn’t win a majority due to the Electoral College, and they were complaining they couldn’t win House seats because of gerrymandering, and now they’ve gotten a better win percentage with House seats than with Senate seats (where neither gerrymandering nor the Electoral College come into play) and they complain that’s un-democratic too.

If you’re a Democrat, you look for excuses for why you can’t win elections. It’s what you do.

The thing is, I don’t really think the Democrats did anything wrong.

They were told not to make everything about Trump, and to focus on the kitchen-table issues. And that’s what they did. Most of the Democrats who won talked about how they emphasized health care and how Republicans had tried to undermine it. Andrew Gillum (Florida governor candidate) and Beto O’Rourke (Texas candidate for US Senate) made much of the media attention they were given and emphasized running positive, substance-based campaigns.

Trump is the one who made the election All About Trump. Partially because that’s what he does, and also because with that mostly empty gumball machine he calls a brain, he knows it works. But the end result just confirms the conventional wisdom about the results: He exacerbated the process by which Democrats regained the House and lost more seats in the Senate. And the reason for that dynamic is that you have local House races where the constituencies are more cosmopolitan (i.e. Not Trumpnik) whereas statewide Senate contests where rural counties are in play are more prone to the Trumpnik rhetoric of “We’re the Cowboys and They’re the Redskins” (choice of team metaphor is completely intentional).

There’s also the point that where one house has 435 seats and the other has only 100, maybe a third of which are in contest during any election, each individual Senate contest is more consequential and small numbers of losses are harder to recover from.

So the fact that results ended up as most experts predicted means that any pundit (either left-wing or right-wing) who wants to draw some moral lesson from all of this is confounded by the workings of a federal system that doesn’t correspond to the way most people think politics works. “We shoulda won the Senate cause we got more votes! We have a fascist moron as president when Hillary got more votes!” Well then, you need to look at how things work and do something about that. Indeed, the very fact that most midterm elections don’t have anything like this year’s level of turnout implies that a lot of voters weren’t aware of these factors.

In observation of results, I do think some things need to be done on various levels. First, the process of voting itself needs a severe overhaul. And unfortunately, I believe that the only way that can happen is to federalize the process in the same way that the Post Office and various other “local” institutions are actually federal. And the most obvious reason for this is that the various state bureaucracies that are in charge of delivering sample ballots, compiling ballots, making sure that electronic voting machines are plugged in, et cetera, are the same bureaucracies that are themselves under election, and in one case, one of the candidates who benefits from a dysfunctional voting system is not only running for higher office but is the official in charge of running the election system. Given that we’ve already had several constitutional amendments and legal precedents establishing that there IS a right to vote, and that the federal government can step in to protect it, we need to address the point that there is not an equal right to vote when one constituency has state of the art voting machines in an easily available polling place and the other one has old-time machines run out of Uncle Zeke’s General Store and Town Hall.

But if your real complaint with the election is that it doesn’t do enough to reverse the dominance of Donald Trump, that requires a broader approach, dare I say a meta-political approach. This is a matter I’d been discussing with people on social media.

To address the subject of Trump’s success, I theorized: Why is Trump winning? Partially because he has the initiative. Why does he have the initiative? Because he sets the agenda. Why is he able to set the agenda? Because he doesn’t just accept the political given. For example, with the recent immigration/caravan/birthright citizenship controversy (which of course has evaporated now that he confirmed the Senate), do you think it matters to Trump that he can’t just wave a magic wand and say “I have repealed the 14th Amendment because I am the President and only I get double scoops of ice cream”? No. The point is to make it a subject of discussion. The point is to make the unthinkable thinkable. Because we have seen a pattern where Trump will spew some Dadaist nonsense and his various Republican enablers will feel obliged to translate it into real legislation. Because that is, after all, what a legislature does: It exists to translate political initiatives into working legislation.

This Thursday, conservative Ramesh Ponnuru was on one of the talking-head shows on MSDNC, and he pointed out that Trump and the Republicans have engaged in a fairly successful media strategy to demonize and delegitimize the Mueller investigation, because with the actual process of any House impeachment and Senate trial being a matter of political consensus and collective will, they have to put the matter in the court of public opinion in order to shrink even the concept of impeachment. Similar to how the “Dream Team” did with OJ Simpson, they put the prosecution on trial instead of the defendant. Well, maybe we should put the actual defendant on trial. That doesn’t mean you have any legislators initiate an impeachment, at first. You’ll notice that apart from the likes of Devin Nunes, there wasn’t an organized Republican push to kill the Mueller investigation even though there were some trial balloon opinions on the subject. The point was that the various whisper campaigns in friendly media were undermining the legitimacy of the investigation in the public’s eyes, at least with that substantial plurality that is loyal to Trump, such that people who would otherwise support a lawful investigation feel compelled to oppose it out of team loyalty.

Several scholars have pointed out that impeachment is really more of a political process than a legal process. There has to be a real consensus behind it, and that consensus is what neds to be built up before the work is done. Currently any Democrats and non-Republicans who push impeachment have the burden against the Republican Senate consensus that will surely block them. The goal, before any actual impeachment is drawn up, is to put the burden on those senators and make their defense of Trump politically unfeasible. The fact that it can’t happen now is irrelevant. Do you think that Republicans cared that all the repeals of Obamacare they passed were going to be vetoed by Obama? No. The point was to keep the issue out there until they got the president they wanted. Of course the problem in that case was that once the Republicans got the president they wanted they couldn’t even pass an Obamacare replacement that they could agree on, but that’s because they’re incompetent morons. Whereas Democrats are often politically incompetent, but they’re not morons.

But part of what I mean when I say that Democrats are politically incompetent is precisely that they don’t understand this principle. They only operate in terms of the existing political landscape where Republicans seek to change the terrain. Democrats wait for a consensus for action instead of forming the consensus and then taking action. If you’re going to say, “well, there’s no point in talking impeachment because we’ll never get enough votes in the Senate” then it will never get done. That doesn’t mean you barrel through without a consensus. You get the consensus and THEN get it done.

In that regard, there’s another idea that I’d like the press to try. I know they won’t, for the same reason that TV networks won’t stop playing Christmas ads WHEN IT’S STILL MORE THAN A WEEK FROM THANKSGIVING. But the idea is: Boycott Donald Trump. That doesn’t mean that they don’t cover the various scandals that he and his crew have created for themselves. On the contrary. Focus on those scandals but refuse to talk to him.

None of these press scrums where the reporters and Sister Mary Elephant Sarah Sanders play “you pretend to tell us the truth and we pretend to believe you.” Nobody interviewing Trump on the lawn on the way to the helicopter. Nobody at Trump’s rallies roped off for him to point at, so the redcap audience can jeer at them like a staff of Court Jews.

Seriously, from their perspective, most administrations (not just Trump’s) are in an adversarial relationship with press corps “gatekeepers”, and Trump took to Twitter early, so he’s already got a means of communicating directly without their medium.

Supposedly, in the wake of Trump yanking Jim Acosta’s press credentials, this has already been debated by some but networks are afraid of making themselves the issue. “Don’t give him ammunition?”  Like he isn’t going to make an issue of it anyway.  That’s why he baits the press in the first place. If, as some concern trolls insist, “(Jim Acosta) and Trump almost need each other to sustain a mutual narcissism”, then the more responsible party needs to break the cycle.

Go ahead. Go ahead and let the little baby whine and stamp his feet. Go ahead and let him piss in the corner and cry. It’s not an election year any more, what’s he gonna do?

I’m pretty sure Fox News wouldn’t go along with it, but then the purpose of Fox News is to appeal to those whose minds are already made up.

(Side joke: What’s the difference between Fox News Channel and Pornhub? Pornhub has fewer blowjobs.)

This is part of the larger goal in reversing what Trump has done. What Trump has done is to legitimize his approach to the world. And the press was enabling him all the way. At first because he was a reality TV star. Then because he was the Republican nominee. Now because he’s the president. In any case, if we were dealing with somebody who didn’t have Trump’s reputation and fame, if he announced a presidential campaign by stating that Mexicans were rapists and drug smugglers, the press would have treated him like a mutant retard unworthy of their attention. You know, what they do to Libertarians. What we need to do is treat him like that. Not withstanding the fact that he actually is the most important man in the world now, the point is to make it clear that he does not hold his position legitimately. In my opinion, Trump won the election fairly (by the terms of the Electoral College) but since then has done everything he could to invalidate his status, and the only reason he hasn’t been impeached is because no other president (including Nixon) has abused the privilege this much.

And when you’re dealing with someone who’s that much of a solipsist, removing media attention takes away his validation. In a certain respect, it may make Trump doubt his own existence. Trump doesn’t mind being in an adversarial relationship with the media, it’s what he lives for. But to have no relationship with them at all? How long could he go cold turkey?

Shift the terrain. Gaslight the gaslighter. Take his mic. That’s how you start fighting back.

Overall, it occurs to me that Trump and the alternative-to-being-right are doing a much better job of asymmetrical social warfare than the media leftists who are supposed to be good at it. In fact, I find a lot of parallels to what’s happening in a certain bit of radical text. I’ll get to this in my next post.

REVIEW: Bohemian Rhapsody

Freddie Mercury could have been played by Borat.

At one point in the star-crossed production of the Queen movie, which would eventually become Bohemian Rhapsody, producers had cast Sacha Baron Cohen, the provocateur behind Borat and other characters, to play Queen’s lead singer Freddie Mercury, but he has told more than one interviewer that the project fell apart when “someone” in the band told him that the middle of the story would be the point of Freddie’s death, and the remainder would be the rest of the band preserving their legacy. And Cohen told that person that no one would pay to see that. Which is too bad, because Cohen would have had some advantages in the role: he is at least as tall as Freddie Mercury, has a natural overbite, can actually sing, and shares Mercury’s fondness for disturbingly tight underwear.

Instead, the role went to Mr. Robot star Rami Malek, and the movie did indeed become focused around the life and death of Freddie Mercury. It works because Malek almost single-handedly carries the movie, projecting not only soulfulness and vulnerability but the cheeky, ambitious personality of Freddie Mercury the rock star. I say “almost” because Malek plays off a great cast including Gwilym Lee as a dead ringer for guitarist Brian May and Lucy Boynton as Mercury’s longtime girlfriend Mary Austin.

The overall problem at the core of this movie is that it’s very obviously “Hollywood biography” and is too obvious in linking the accidents of history into a dramatic theme. For instance, it explains Mercury’s signature stage trick of wielding a half mic stand by saying that at his first gig with the band, the microphone stand was adjusted for the height of the previous lead singer, and Mercury broke the stand trying to shorten it. (In truth, Mercury was somewhat taller than Rami Malek.) Mercury’s relationship with his dad is a stereotype of Conservative Immigrant Father versus Westernized Son, and the fact that the family dynamic is resolved when, on the day of the Live Aid concert, Freddie finally looks up Jim Hutton (whom he hasn’t seen in years) and then takes him to meet his parents (whom he also hasn’t seen in years) to introduce him as his boyfriend, just before putting on the greatest rock concert in history, is a bit too pat.

This didactic approach also extends to the necessary matter of Mercury’s final illness and its causes. I have no problem with saying that Mercury’s lifestyle led to him getting AIDS, just as most people get lung cancer or type II diabetes from their lifestyle choices. (Indeed, given what the ’70s were like, it’s amazing that David Bowie and Lou Reed lived as long as they did, or that Iggy Pop is still ALIVE.) Bohemian Rhapsody depicts a certain tragedy in Mercury’s life in that he was very much in love with Mary, but she realized probably before he did that he was truly gay, not bisexual. And while the movie makes clear that Mercury didn’t need any encouragement to pursue men on the road, the central conflict is set up with the introduction of Queen’s assistant manager and Freddie’s eventual boyfriend, Paul Prenter (the unfortunately named Allen Leech) who pushes Mary out of Freddie’s life and manipulates him into firing Queen’s first manager and eventually leaving the band. (This is another rewrite of history, since Mercury did do two solo albums but did not leave Queen either officially or behind the scenes.) And the disco-influenced “Another One Bites The Dust” (which was actually written by John Deacon) is turned into the backdrop for a montage where Mercury and Prenter tour London’s gay leather underworld, and when the song abruptly ends, Mercury has started to develop a cough.

The thing is, this didactic approach is also what makes this movie work, when it works. There are several scenes where characters are trying to make a pitch to other characters and in the process they involve the audience. Like when Brian May is telling the other band members how he wants to write a song – “We Will Rock You” – that turns the crowd into part of the band. Or how the band is trying to explain to a record executive how their use of opera will expand the horizons of rock music. Or how they tell their first manager that what makes Queen special is “four misfits who don’t belong together playing for other misfits who don’t belong anywhere.” Even Prenter gets a sympathetic moment when he confesses to Freddie that growing up in Belfast as both gay and Catholic, he never felt like he belonged anywhere. Almost as if gay people and straight rock fans had that much in common.

But that again gets to the matter of presenting Mercury’s decline, which is unnecessarily confused by making the Live Aid concert the framing device for the story. Historically, Live Aid was an event held in July 1985, but Freddie Mercury didn’t get tested for HIV until April 1987.  But in the movie, Freddie gets his diagnosis just after hearing that the Live Aid/Ethiopian famine relief project was a thing, and it sets up the premise that the whole thing is an attempt to make his life right by patching up the rift with his bandmates (which again, is either simply exaggerated or just bullshit) and then confessing to them during rehearsal that he’s dying of AIDS. Now given that Roger Taylor and Brian May were consultants on this movie (John Deacon has refused to be involved with the ongoing Queen projects), and given that there are facts on record that can be looked up, I am disappointed that the band would allow Mercury’s story to be presented in such a manner. Even in the script, Freddie tells his bandmates that he doesn’t want to be “a poster boy or a cautionary tale.”

So when gay journalist Kevin Fallon referred to Bohemian Rhapsody as an “insult”  that “borders on character assassination” I may not share his anger, but I can understand it.

And yet: The acting is great. The script shows the camaraderie within the band. And it’s QUEEN. Bohemian Rhapsody shows what was so great about this music in the first place and the winning performances show why anyone would care about these people, all leading up to the Live Aid sequence where the larger-than-life presentation is finally in accordance with history.

So my otherwise wholehearted endorsement of this movie is tempered by the point that as a biography of Freddie Mercury, it’s simplistic and misleading. But it’s an awesome show.

I suspect that to Freddie, that’s all that would have mattered.

Squirrel Hill

I am not shocked.  I am not surprised.

I am angry and I am disgusted.

I will agree with Mr. Trump on one thing: If there was an armed guard at the synagogue in Pennsylvania, the result would have been different.  That’s the case regardless of what you think of our gun laws.  People have a basic right to defense in cases of physical danger.

But even more than guns, what we need to protect from danger are votes.

I have looked up a few conservative sites, and one of the general themes is that even the people who know better will hold their noses and vote for Trump, they will abandon all their suspicions and rally behind Brett Kavanaugh, because they think the stakes are too high.  In their assessment, if Those People in the Democratic Party take over, then Good Christians like themselves will be under physical threat.

Oh, I take it that when you’re in the political minority, the majority are a threat to you?

Did we see anything like this in the eight years that Obama was president?  I will say, as racist and reactionary as a lot of Obama’s opposition was, what heartened me in retrospect was that there was never a serious assassination attempt against him.  As much as emotions were escalated, there was still a basic impression that we were capable of having political opinions without coming to violence.

No more.  This week, at least 12 separate pipe bombs were sent to various people in politics and the media, all of whom were targeted as enemies by Trump and his people in social media.  President Obama and Mr. and Mrs. Clinton were among them.  And when the suspect was found – because he left fingerprints among other evidence – law enforcement found a van whose windows were completely covered in pro-Trump stickers and similar decoration, including pictures of liberals like Michael Moore in crosshairs.  As one person on social media put it, “it’s like Steve Bannon if he were a Transformer.”

Now you have this character coming into a synagogue during Sabbath – apparently during a children’s naming day ceremony – and killing 11 people.  According to his tags on Gab – a social media network for people who think Twitter is too politically correct – the last thing the shooter posted was: “Screw your optics, I’m going in.”

Now, why exactly is anyone concerned with optics?

Just before the Feds caught the pipe bomb suspect, Trump tweeted, “Republicans are doing so well in early voting, and at the polls, and now this “Bomb” stuff happens and the momentum greatly slows – news not talking politics. Very unfortunate, what is going on. Republicans, go out and vote!”  Prior to the bomb threats, “talking politics” meant Trump and other Republicans railing against the thousands-strong caravan of refugees from Honduras and other parts of Central America coming together to migrate north towards the US-Mexico border.  In their minds, this whole thing is a giant conspiracy ginned up by various people – including George Soros, another one of the bomb targets – to flood the country with non-Americans and change our way of life.  The reality is more prosaic: once enough people contacted each other on social media and realized they were all coming to the same place anyway, they decided it was easier to band together and come to the border at once than sneak across with a “coyote” smuggler who could betray or abuse them.  So, thanks to ingenuity and social media, the coyote business has been rendered obsolete.  (Gee, thanks, Millennials!)

And while Trump can be given credit for repeatedly and specifically condemning the Squirrel Hill shooting as an anti-Semitic attack, the shooter was one of those people who attacked Jewish charities on the grounds that they were letting more refugees into the country.  If anything the shooter attacked Trump as a “globalist” (which is one of the buzzwords used by reactionary movements).  But if Trump is, for whatever reason (perhaps remembering how many Jewish relatives and friends he has) doing the right thing now, he and the rest of the Republican Party really need to come to grips with how things got to this point.

Trump announced his presidency specifically saying that Mexicans were “bringing drugs, they’re bringing crime, they’re rapists”.  He said that an American-born judge in one of his civil cases couldn’t be trusted because he was of Mexican ancestry.  Recently he name dropped George Soros in his culture-war attacks on migrants.  Moreover, whatever one may think of Antifa and the various “woke” crusaders on the Left, they aren’t the ones building pipe bombs. Maybe in the Weather Underground days, but they’re not the subversives now.  What you have specifically is a combination of a subversive culture that wants to destroy political norms and a dominance by one political party, and the danger is that they are the SAME entity.  This is why it matters that, say, Trump praises Congressman Gianforte of Montana for doing a “body slam” on a reporter during a special election in 2017.  It matters that Gianforte is a Congressman because he won his election after the assault.  It matters that the president is going along with George Soros conspiracy theories and morally equating left-wing protestors at Charlottesville with right-wingers who commit assault and vehicular homicide.

These are not the same.  If right-wingers want to rationalize their sellout to reactionaries and racists on the grounds that leftist dominance would put them in danger, well, “conservative” dominance has now put large sections of the country in real physical danger.  Are they supposed to put up with it so that you’re not threatened?  If your motivations are valid, why aren’t theirs?  If there is “polarization” in this country, are you able to acknowledge how it came about?

You have a “conservative” (more anti-liberal) movement that ultimately came down to telling liberals “Fuck Your Feelings.”  If liberals and other non-Trumpniks are now, without question, physically threatened by Trump’s fellow travelers, they are coming to the realization that more than guns, what they need are votes.  More than laws to disarm the public, what they need is to disarm the Administration that is giving these criminals aid and comfort.  The Republicans in Congress have done nothing but enable and look the other way, and things will not get any better if we let this continue.

And that is what Republicans are afraid of, because as Steve Bannon said, as long as they could phrase things in culture-war terms of “Right” vs. Left, they could win.  When the reality becomes clear that it’s the Trump cult versus the rest of the country, the dynamic shifts.  At this point, more and more Americans are looking at “conservative” enablers and their conspiracies and accusations of threats to their way of life, and their response to Trump fans is: “Fuck your feelings.”

Vote Republicans out.

Take your country back.

Vote, Already Continued

As I said last time, I want to go over the ballot questions for Nevada on the 2018 ballot. This is probably of limited utility elsewhere, but these ballot questions are worth reviewing as general examples of how the ballot is used to post policy to voters. This is especially important because as I noticed in 2016, the ballot questions are phrased very generically as to what is being proposed, and even though the sample ballot sent in the mail gives a lot of Pro and Con arguments for each ballot question, these also are fairly generic when they are not slanted towards one opinion or the other. Thus in my efforts to examine each question for myself before voting, I usually relied more on other sources, especially ballotpedia.org.

Nevada Question 1 (aka ‘Marsy’s Law’)

Shall the Nevada Constitution be amended to: (1) remove existng provisions that require the Legislature to provide certain statutory rights for crime victms; and (2) adopt in their place certain expressly stated constitutional rights that crime victms may assert throughout the criminal or juvenile justice process?

While it isn’t referred to as “Marsy’s Law” on the ballot, Question 1 is based on legislation called “Marsy’s Law” in California and taken up as ballot initiatives in other states besides Nevada. It refers to Marsy Nicholas, whose ex-boyfriend killed her after he was released from prison after assaulting her and her family had not been made aware of his release on bail.

The fact that the text of the question was adopted from another state’s bill is one reason that the “No” lobby on Question 1 gives for opposing the legislation. I myself was leery of the phrasing that the amendment will “remove existing provisions” that already provide for statutory rights for victims. However, on Ballotpedia, the actual text of the measure is reviewed including the parts where it actually amends the Nevada Constitution. It would add a Section 23 to the Nevada Constitution, specifically asserting: “Each person who is the victim of a crime has the following rights”. These include “(to) be reasonably protected from the defendant and persons acting on behalf of the defendant”, “(to) have the safety of the victim and the victim’s family considered as a factor in fixing the amount of bail and release conditions for the defendant” and “(to) prevent the disclosure of confidential information or records to the defendant which could be used to locate or harass the victim or the victim’s family.” It goes on in this manner, but the text is intended to replace Section 8, Article 1 of the state Constitution, which states that victims of crime are to be informed of the status of a criminal deposition “only upon written request”. Thus, the burden is not on the victim (or plaintiff) to prove need in these cases, and there is an acknowledgement that defendants can attempt to intimidate victims in criminal cases.

Thus I ended up voting YES on Question 1, albeit with some reservation. Still, this is another example of where you really need to research the fine print in order to make an informed choice.

Nevada Question 2

Shall the Sales and Use Tax Act of 1955 be amended to provide an exemption from the taxes imposed by this Act on the gross receipts from the sale and the storage, use or other consumption of feminine hygiene products?

A libertarian would still question whether we really need taxes at all. I would like to try funding government by Kickstarter. Or, as the hippies once suggested, a bake sale. But as long as we do need taxes to fund government, the burden should not fall primarily on consumers and end-users who have the least disposable income. But that’s what Nevada does with sales taxes. Question 2 is meant to modify Nevada’s Sales and Use Tax Act to add onto the existing list of tax exemptions “feminine hygiene product” which is interpreted to include tampons and sanitary napkins.

I voted YES to add this tax exemption. Incidentally, the Bernie Sanders-founded Our Revolution announced itself in favor of the initiative. Which proves that libertarians and “progressives” can agree on one thing: It is not progressive to nickel and dime the average person to fuel government, and if government is going to go bankrupt unless we charge women extra for tampons, there really needs to be better budgeting.

Nevada Question 3

Shall Article 1 of the Nevada Constitution be amended to require the Legislature to provide by law for the establishment of an open, competitive retail electric energy market that prohibits the granting of monopolies and exclusive franchises for the generation of electricity?

This is a ballot initiative that was first proposed in 2016 and by procedure needs to be approved by vote a second time after passing. I mentioned in 2016 why I voted YES, and my reasons haven’t changed. For one thing, if the consumer protection agency (Public Utilities Commission) charged with monitoring the state monopoly energy company (NV Energy) acts more in favor of that company than the consumer, and generally discourages efforts to create cleaner energy sources outside the provisions of NV Energy, then it’s not acting in any “public interest.”

This year, there has been a LOT more advertising, especially on TV, for the “No” vote, largely on the point that the text of Question 3. According to Ballotpedia, the “Yes on 3” political action committee had raised $33.26 million. The “No on 3” committee has raised $66.13 million. “The top contributor to the committee was NV Energy, which provided 99.99 of the committee’s total funds.”

It’s a good thing NV Energy was able to finance their position almost single-handedly. It makes it seem like no one else was supporting it.

Nevada Question 4

Shall Article 10 of the Nevada Constitution be amended to require the Legislature to provide by law for the exemption of durable medical equipment, oxygen delivery equipment, and mobility enhancing equipment prescribed for use by a licensed health care provider from any tax upon the sale, storage, use, or consumption of tangible personal property?

This is another ballot initiative that had been approved in 2016 and needs to go for another pass. As in 2016, I voted YES. Similar to Question 2, I do not see why taxes in this state or any other have to fall on those who are least able to pay. Such objections as there are to this ballot question hinge on the point that the text requires a constitutional amendment that is not spelled out (unlike Question 1). One will note that similar objections were raised against Question 3 (the initiative to remove the energy monopoly) but there were no serious campaigns against Question 4 in 2016, nor are there any PACs set up to oppose it now. The fact that the same constitutional objection applies to both Question 3 and Question 4, but one is encountering much more, and much wealthier, opposition, should tell you something about Nevada establishment priorities.

Nevada Question 5

Shall Chapter 293 of the Nevada Revised Statutes be amended to establish a system that will automatically register an eligible person to vote, or update that person’s existing Nevada voter registration information, at the time the person applies to the Nevada Department of Motor Vehicles for the issuance or renewal of any type of driver’s license or identification card, or makes a request to change the address on such a license or identification card, unless the person affirmatively declines in writing?

From my knowledge, once you are registered to vote in Nevada, the state actually makes it pretty easy to go to the polls – for one thing, they mail you a voter guide which you can take to your polls to check against registration. Thus, if you’ve already been registered, they set up the system to work with you, not against you, as opposed to some places I could mention. Measures such as Nevada Question 5 are supported mainly by the Democratic Party after they lost enough elections to realize that they couldn’t take voters for granted. Republicans generally oppose such measures in favor of a default “opt-in” system in which the citizen has to take the initiative to confirm a right to vote by registering. I’m sure that’s just a coincidence. Moderate Republican Governor Brian Sandoval had vetoed the initiative when it was first proposed, saying “IP1 advances a worthy goal by encouraging more eligible Nevadans to register to vote. However, such a result must partner with sound policy. IP1 fails this test because it extinguishes a fundamental, individual choice—the right of eligible voters to decide for themselves whether they desire to apply to register to vote—forfeiting this basic decision to state government. … the core freedom of deciding whether one wishes to initiate voter registration belongs to the individual, not the government. ”

Philosophically, I’m inclined to agree. Still, if we assert that a thing is a right rather than a privilege, we shouldn’t have to “opt in” to it, because that creates the opportunity for government to put barriers in the path of the ostensible right. This is why the Miranda rule says “You have the right to remain silent.” You do not need to opt in to it, and it is the government’s responsibility to confirm that this right is protected unless one decides to “opt out” by speaking to law enforcement after being informed of one’s rights in the matter. All the more odd that this is the “conservative” position being that the philosophical Right has always asserted the premise of “negative rights” that are inherent and cannot be restricted without cause.

There is also the strictly pragmatic matter that I referred to last time, namely that you’re not going to have any checks on abusive government unless Republicans are flushed out of power, and if you can’t even elect Democrats they sure as hell aren’t going to let in Libertarians or anyone else. So I ended up voting YES on 5. Still, it’s worth noting that the more likely a given state is to need such legislation, the less likely it is to pass it.

Nevada Question 6

Shall Article 4 of the Nevada Constitution be amended to require, beginning in calendar year 2022, that all providers of electric utility services who sell electricity to retail customers for consumption in Nevada generate or acquire incrementally larger percentages of electricity from renewable energy resources so that by calendar year 2030 not less than 50 percent of the total amount of electricity sold by each provider to its retail customers in Nevada comes from renewable energy resources?

This measure mandates that energy companies derive an increasing percentage of their energy production from renewable resources. It is technically not related to Question 3 and could apply to “all providers of electric utility services” whether they are provided by a monopoly or multiple companies.

Again though, it’s telling that Question 6 hasn’t attracted nearly as much negative attention or campaigning as Question 3. I ended up voting NO on Question 6, though I could just as easily have gone the other way. I agree with “fiscal conservatives” who think that mandates are difficult to implement and sometimes counterproductive. However, we have seen that most “fiscal conservatives” don’t care much about budgets when they’re in the majority. With regard to the ecology and climate change, other parts of the world may be worried about a world where the temperature is 100 degrees at midnight. In Nevada, we’re already there. And again, I think that the history of NV Energy has demonstrated that we’re not going to get that far on an ecology “mandate” if there’s only one company in charge of energy. That is, if you want the state to “invest” more in renewable energy, that will be more likely if you vote Yes on 3 to provide market competition, as opposed to voting Yes on 6 and No on 3, in which case progress is determined by the monopoly whose “juice” is more political than electrical.

Vote, Already

The early voting ballots for Nevada finally came in the mail this week.

Thank goodness. Now we can finally start getting this over with.

In my previous ballot analysis for 2016, I’d gone over reasons why I ended up voting for Gary Johnson for President but Democrats for most of the other races. In this election I’m just going to go ahead and vote Democrat for all the races. Even though Libertarians are actually in some of them. This is a tough decision.

I have already stated that in the short term it may be necessary to vote in Democrats strictly to tip the balance back, but in the long term that won’t be enough. I had also said during the 2016 elections that the main goal in voting third-party is not so much to make Democrats lose as to make the Republican candidate come in third. In Electoral College terms, if you’re going to be a “spoiler” then you want to aim to spoiling the greater of two evils, whichever you perceive that to be. Liberals will never forgive Libertarians who voted for Gary Johnson, since third-party votes in 2016 were enough to swing the election in Wisconsin, Pennsylvania and even conservative North Carolina. By the same token, if the Electoral College means that the president is elected on a state-by-state basis, I could only vote for president with regard for how my state would go rather than the national vote total, and as it turned out, the number of people in Nevada who voted for Johnson was enough to keep Donald Trump from getting that state, and it was also enough to keep him from getting Colorado, New Mexico and even Minnesota. This is why I refuse to apologize for voting Johnson in the first place.  But at the same time, I did vote nearly all Democrats down ballot in 2016, because I did know that the vote in those cases had a direct effect on the result that it didn’t have in the Electoral College system, and I knew that the margins were close enough to matter. I can still support going Libertarian in the current circumstances if the result for a non-presidential election will end up causing the Republican to come in third. According to the most recent polls in FiveThirtyEight, that may be the case in New Mexico, but then Gary Johnson has name recognition in his home state. I don’t know how things play elsewhere, but as a rule, the polls are too close to let Republicans have a chance.

What it really comes down to is that the Republican Party needs to die.

What we have seen in the last few months, especially with Brett Kavanaugh’s appointment to the Supreme Court, simply demonstrates why “conservatism” is a barren label, not just because the nominal conservative party once defined by Christian traditionalism, “economic libertarianism” and muscular patriotism is willing to twist itself to please a womanizing tariff addict and Putin bitch, but because when the premises of modern government have more to do with FDR and LBJ than Jefferson and Hamilton, the real conservatives are the mainstream liberals trying to preserve that system.

In her dissent to Janus, Elena Kagan actually said that the court were “black-robed rulers overriding citizens’ choices.”  Now, I remember when that was the conservative position on the Supreme Court. Before they were in charge, of course.

But still, here we are. And with the Supreme Court back in focus, it actually starts to clear up why Trump has such cultish loyalty among Republicans, and why even the so-called “NeverTrump” Republicans are not really willing to stick their necks out against him. It isn’t cowardice. It’s priorities. Some of this is because there are “conservatives” who really don’t have a sense of morality. But at core, the fact is that we are dealing with two totally different views on what constitutes morality.

Knowing that, how does a liberal expect to persuade a conservative to vote Democrat this year?

Well, that’s the thing, I’m not sure any liberals have asked conservatives face-to-face to switch allegiance. But let me imagine if a “NeverTrump” conservative came up to one.

Conservative: Why should I vote for Democrats in November?
Liberal: To put a check on Donald Trump.
Conservative: Let me ask: Do you think that life begins at conception and that therefore abortion is always murder?
Liberal: NO.
Conservative: Do you think the Second Amendment should be defended?
Liberal: Not really.
Conservative: Do you think the government should force every citizen to pay for private medical insurance that they may not need or want?
Liberal: If that’s what it takes to get everyone insured.

Conservative: Then why should I vote to strengthen your party at my party’s expense? What do we have in common?
Liberal: We both want to stop Trump.
Conservative: Yeah, I don’t like Trump much at all. But from what I’ve seen, he’s more willing to deal with me than you are.

Of course, that is my imagination. When one position is that abortion is always murder, there is no negotiation or “meeting halfway.” But otherwise, it used to be possible for politicians to negotiate in the abstract and on practical levels. Now negotiation is entirely internal.

There seems to be a Devil’s bargain (almost literally) on the part of right-wingers with the current Administration, where they go along with its various abuses in exchange for the pro-business policies (and pro-business judges) they want. Of course these are the same people who accurately point out that Democrats ignored the creeping powers of government and the executive branch as long as the executive promoted the “progressive” policies that they wanted. Right-wingers point out that the same people tagging “metoo” now were praising Harvey Weinstein for contributing to Democrats in 2016. And the Right were pointing out in 1998 that Democrats would defend the indefensible just for the sake of keeping Bill Clinton in power. Which is why they ought to know better. The fact that they don’t (or act like they don’t) is a big part of the problem.

And it needs to be stressed that this goes beyond Donald Trump. Mitch McConnell blocked President Obama’s last Supreme Court pick before the 2016 Republican presidential nomination was confirmed. The Affordable Care Act got absolutely no Republican votes. It would be one thing for Republicans to be obstructionist if Republicans had something better to replace Democratic “progressive” politics with, but as we saw when they got the majority, obstruction is all they have, and it was all they could do to pass the tax cut that they did, promising that it would be paid for by growth, and blanking out the point that growth depends on the average consumer having more money, which isn’t going to happen when most of the monetary gains go to the upper percentile and the average guy with a paycheck gets maybe $20 extra.

That in itself betrays the bad-faith premise of the Republican Party, because they wouldn’t have to resort to force and deception if their programs actually benefited the majority. Were that the case, they would be trying to get more voters, rather than appealing only to the most hard-core Republicans mostly on cultural grievances. In the 1984 election, Ronald Reagan won 49 of 50 states. In 2016, Donald Trump won Democratic “firewall” states only by a few thousand votes. This is the difference between actually having a popular mandate and running only on hate.

Put another way, if the only way you can get pro-business or culturally conservative policy is to thwart the majority in a democratic republic, you’ve already lost. Rather than trying to convert more people to your side, like Reagan did or even George W. Bush sometimes did, modern Republicans, especially since Obama, are only trying to force things through their own clique because that’s all they have and they won’t try for anything better.

That’s why Jeff Flake will hem and haw about principles and “conscience” and vote with Republicans anyway. That’s why “pro-choice” Susan Collins made a big production about weighing her options on Brett Kavanaugh and voted for him anyway, knowing that he will vote to strike down Roe v. Wade, except maybe if she shares the suspicion of cynical conservatives that Kavanaugh will vote to uphold Roe precisely because his reputation would cause too much blowback if he did otherwise. Again, on strictly pragmatic terms this may make sense. Why would you go against Republicans if the alternative is to let Democrats win?

Well, what doth it profit a man to gain the world yet lose his own soul?

Over the last two weeks, as the nauseating details of Jamal Khashoggi’s disappearance are revealed, it becomes more clear that the government of Saudi Arabia assassinated a dissident with the approval of the Trump Administration. This only highlights atrocities committed by Saudi Arabia in Yemen and elsewhere that were allowed to occur even before Trump got in office. Now, for all the Republicans protesting Saudi actions, what makes anybody think that a Republican Congress will actually call Trump to account on this?

And how much longer will Republicans be able to keep up the stonewalling, and what will the results be for their brand when, NOT if, they lose the majority? At this point, the only way to stop that is to counter changing demographics with attempts to demoralize the electorate, or actually grow the government for the specific purpose of preventing people from voting, or using existing agencies to stop people from getting to the polls.

So much for freedom and small government.

This is what it comes down to for me. If right-wingers are afraid of what the Left will do with power, or “conscientious” conservatives are leery of supporting Trump (yet tacitly do so anyway) they should consider that not only does the Party of Trump magnify all the vices and corruption of the Democrats, they do so with no redeeming factors. Such benefits that Republicans create not only accrue to the already well-heeled, even those people are endangered by Trump’s erratic policies on trade, which will only be exacerbated if he fumbles foreign policy. And the only way the current state of affairs to continue is for Republicans to pursue policies that are not only counter-majoritarian but anti-majoritarian. And while counter-majoritarian policies can often protect freedom, deliberately acting against the majority in all cases makes it that much less possible to correct an erroneous course, and endangers the freedom that libertarians and conservatives seek to preserve.

And in the long run, if Democrats do once again become dominant, it will be because Republicans present themselves as the guardians of traditional American government and capitalism, but their actions undermine both. If “free market” capitalism means using government force to gin the rules to benefit the already rich and powerful while killing upward mobility, that does more to promote socialism than anything the timid Democratic establishment is doing. If Republicans destroy the comity, traditions and rules of Congress, they will have no protections when Democrats have the upper hand. They by their actions are creating the very situation they claim to fear. As I keep saying, the worst case scenario is that the Party of Trump really will turn America into a one-party state – that one party being the Democrats.

If one wants to preserve freedom, there are two choices. You can do what Republicans did in the early 60s with Goldwater, Reagan and Buckley and build up an intellectual tradition that can sustain itself and grow from a minority (and anybody who thinks that the political environment is hostile to the Right now doesn’t know much about the 60s). Or you can focus on a demographic that is only motivated by grievance and try to enforce a situation where only their votes matter. The Republican party made its choice after 2012 when they rejected the “autopsy” of Mitt Romney’s campaign telling them to acknowledge women and the non-white demographics of America and build common ground to grow the party. That choice is becoming increasingly untenable. I went Libertarian because for one thing, it has no choice but to appeal beyond its current confines if it wants to go anywhere, and again, the Right has actually gone through worse. However, the Republic as a whole has not. I need to support a party that actually can promote an alternative to “progressive” Democrat thinking. The Libertarians can still do this. The Republicans are far too stained for that. And ultimately they are the short-term reason that the government is a threat to freedom now.

I am not terribly happy about only voting for Democrats, but I am becoming convinced that if Republicans stay in charge, I may not get to vote for anyone besides the government party again.

Next time, I want to go over the various Nevada ballot initiatives for 2018.

REVIEW: Star Trek Discovery – Season 1

In light of the second season of Star Trek: Discovery being promoted on CBS All Access, I decided to review the series thus far. I have remained adamant in refusing to buy All Access myself, however I was able to temporarily access a friend’s account to binge the episodes. Of course the pilot episode was shown on broadcast and set up a dramatic and unusual premise where the heroine, Michael Burnham (Sonequa Martin-Green) put herself on the outside of Starfleet looking in, and the body of Season 1 details how she is nevertheless brought back into the fold. There were elements I liked about the series and some that I disliked. These were the things that I liked about Discovery:

Overall Quality. The production values and acting ability of the principals that I had noticed in the pilot episode remained high throughout Season 1, including such details as the prosthetics design on Saru (Doug Jones), an elongated alien with digitigrade legs. Of course it all hinges on the character of Burnham and the performance of Martin-Green, who has the potential to go in multiple directions and whose choices are critical and must be conveyed as such by the story.

I am not sure what to make of Cadet Tilly, (Mary Wiseman) Burnham’s Chatty Cathy bunkmate on the Discovery. On one hand, she is a welcome ray of sunshine in the setting, but by the same token, she threatens to pull the mood away from grim Military SF towards a comedy-drama series where Burnham is a young ambitious female professional and Tilly is her Funny Best Friend, only in space. It’s sort of like how Killing Eve is a series about a fun, fearless female protagonist who just happens to be a mercenary assassin, and Sandra Oh, instead of being the funny best friend of Meredith Grey, is the funny best friend who also happens to be the detective trying to bring the assassin to justice.

Science. One of the things that distinguishes Discovery from other Star Trek titles is that the USS Discovery is an experimental ship. That experimental technology creates a certain conflict between Discovery’s militaristic captain, Gabriel Lorca (Jason Isaacs) and the more pacifist crew, including the transferred Officer Saru and Paul Stamets, the engineer/science officer. When Stamets explains the concept behind the “spore drive” and a mycological communications network to Burnham, it’s a genuinely fascinating bit of speculative fiction in a direction that Star Trek doesn’t usually go (towards theoretical organic tech rather than electronics). The spore drive element also brought in the question of how theoretical technology is used for military purposes, and what the ethical consequences of such are. As dark as the story arc gets (see below), what keeps Burnham on the side of heroism is her commitment to reason things out and learn new things. Of course, a lot of this comes back to Martin-Green’s acting and her ability to sell the perspective of the audience’s point-of-view character. This show conveys a humanist sense of wonder and, well, discovery in a way that Star Trek media hasn’t in some time.

This was the cool stuff. What follows is my opinion of the elements I didn’t like.

(spoilers to follow)

It’s Too Dark. The appearance of Star Trek: Discovery on a pay channel, as opposed to CBS or another broadcast network, gives the producers freedom to make the presentation more “adult” in that they can use the F-word a couple times, or indirectly reveal that male Klingons urinate with two penises. But such elements aren’t the same thing as tone, and decisions made by characters in Discovery Season 1 make it darker than even Deep Space Nine, which was largely centered on espionage and moral intrigue.

In the first half of the season, Harry Mudd (played by Rainn Wilson, which is genius casting right there) ends up in the same Klingon prison as Captain Lorca, and turns out to be a cowardly. self-serving backstabber. Which is no surprise if you saw the original series. But a couple episodes later, Mudd shows up using an experimental time-travel device in repeated attempts to seize control of the Discovery. In the course of the episode, Mudd proves to be completely ruthless, killing Lorca multiple times over the course of his time jumps. Now, given the premise of the episode, the result was not permanent, but you still had a case where a lovable rogue type was recast as something more sinister.

In the same episode with Harry Mudd’s first appearance, the series introduces Lieutenant Tyler, a security officer and eventual love interest for Burnham. Tyler is a sympathetic character who has clearly suffered trauma (including sexual trauma) at the hands of the Klingons. But when he starts to suspect that there may have been more to it than that, he asks the ship’s doctor (Stamets’ love interest) to do advanced tests on his body and brain. Dr. Culber is disturbed by his initial findings, but by this point, Burnham is on an important mission and Tyler wants to be at her side. So even though Tyler requested the exams, when Culber demands that Tyler stay for deeper medical examination, Tyler snaps – and then snaps Culber’s neck.

Ironically, this effort to explore the moral quandaries of a grey universe falls apart when, late in the season, a spore drive accident sends the Discovery to the Mirror Universe, where doing evil actually is the prevalent social ethic, and everybody dresses like they’re on War Rocket Ajax. This only serves to undermine both settings: the Pulp melodrama of the alternate universe becomes simply cartoonish, while the situational ethics of the “Prime” universe pale in comparison to the naked fascism of the Terran Empire, and at the same time, fail to provide it the same moral contrast as the previous iterations of the Federation. Although at one point, Burnham observes that the stars in the Mirror Universe are actually dimmer, and a native observes that her people are more sensitive to bright light than “Prime” humans, which causes Burnham to make an important deduction about another character. But that physical element leads to my second point:

No, Seriously, It’s Too Dark. At this point, Trek fans expect the interior of Klingon ships to be dark, claustrophobic submarine holds, but it’s rather telling that the Klingon Ship of the Dead is a more spacious and well-lit set than the bridge of the Shenzhou or most of the interiors on Discovery.

The tone of the scenes is set by darkened bridges and window shots with a great deal of “lens flare” from the sunlight of a given solar system, which causes Discovery ship scenes to greatly resemble those of the last few Star Trek movies. Which leads to the question –

What Universe IS This, Anyway? Supposedly, this is again the “Prime” universe of the Original Series and original Star Trek cast, so called to distinguish it from the “Kelvin timeline” reboot of the J.J. Abrams films, which was specifically explained as a parallel universe. But the aforementioned aspects of tone and visual elements cause Discovery to resemble Abrams’ Trek much more than (say) Enterprise, which was likewise set before the Original Series.

The issue is complicated slightly by the fact that the spore drive has been shown to allow travel of parallel dimensions as well as space, so there’s no reason that the Discovery universe would actually turn out to be the “Prime” one. Especially since it still hasn’t been explained why the spore drive hasn’t become the standard propulsion system for Starfleet by the time of the Original Series, or why we hadn’t heard about it before now.

Anticlimax. The first season of Star Trek: Discovery set up multiple climaxes in the story arc, each less successful than the last. The fight with the Ship of the Dead led directly to the Mirror Universe jaunt, and when the crew returned home, the consequence of their absence led to yet another confrontation with the Klingons, which was not quite as satisfactory from a dramatic standpoint as the earlier defeat of the Klingon artifact battleship. Not only that, the last third of the season made the film version of The Return of the King look snappy (especially since the film version WAS the streamlined account compared to Tolkien’s novel).

So overall, I think that the acting and dialogue in Star Trek: Discovery are top-notch, but plotting leaves something to be desired, and while the overall story arc – basically, should the “good guys” adopt the tactics of the “bad guys” to survive? – has even more relevance now than it did a year ago, it gets to the point in a pretty roundabout way that almost undermines it.

(I didn’t even bring up the whole thing with making Klingons totally hairless. I’m still not on board with that.)

But, overall, I can now say that Discovery is better than The Orville. The Orville of course is the imitation Trek/Seth McFarlane vehicle that is on free TV and did debut at about the same time as Discovery, but has since proven to be just pleasantly mediocre. McFarlane’s series has a lot of potential, but often just falls flat. Discovery at least takes chances, and when it goes wrong, it isn’t because they failed in execution, it’s because they went forthrightly in a certain direction that just turned out to be the wrong one.

Donald Trump, Stand-Up Comic

The remarks of Donald J. Trump to the United Nations, September 25, 2018

Madam President, Mr. Secretary-General, world leaders, ambassadors, and distinguished delegates: One year ago, I stood before you for the first time in this grand hall. I addressed the threats facing our world, and I presented a vision to achieve a brighter future for all of humanity.

Today, I stand before the United Nations General Assembly to share the extraordinary progress we’ve made.  In less than two years, my administration has accomplished more than almost any administration in the history of our country.

Hey c’mon folks, it wasn’t THAT funny.

The United States is stronger, safer, and a richer country than it was when I assumed office less than two years ago.  We are standing up for America and for the American people. And we are also standing up for the world.

I honor the right of every nation in this room to pursue its own customs, beliefs, and traditions.

What?

The ongoing tragedy in Syria is heartbreaking.  I commend the people of Jordan and other neighboring countries for hosting refugees from this very brutal civil war.

Look folks, just imagine that there’s a drummer hitting the rimshot every time I finish a sentence, okay?

[bddum-TIING!]

Yeah, like that.

And what’s the thing with Brett Kavanaugh, huh?  I got this Supreme Court justice, and the Democrats don’t wanna confirm him, cause they’re bringing up all these girls from 30 years ago saying he assaulted them!  What is this?  Everybody’s so politically correct!  It’s getting to where a frat guy can’t feel a girl up anymore.  Not that I, or Brett Kavanaugh, would ever do such a thing.  Cause we’re not in a frat.  Anymore.

OK, that wasn’t a joke.  I’m sorry, where was I?

But while I’m here, I wanted to ask everybody: What’s the difference between Paul Ryan and a spineless amoeba?  No, I’m asking you cause I really don’t know.

I wanted to give a shout out to the delegations from Turkey and China, but I’ve noticed they walked out of the hall.  Was it something I said?

I have done more to bring about peace than any other president.  Before me we were headed to war with North Korea.  Now I have made peace with Kim Jong Un.  Do you mind if I call you Un?  We had a historic summit, and once we talked, I found out we had so much in common.  Like, we both want to feed political dissidents to attack panthers.  That was a joke.  But that’s the other thing, we bonded over our sense of humor.  At one point, Un was talking with me, and he said, “you know, Donald, dark humor is like food.  Not everyone gets it.”

[taps the mic] Hey, is this thing on?

But to reimmerate- retitereate – say again, our priority is Peace.  Peace and quiet.  We believe in diplomacy.  Just on our terms.  America is the defender of freedom and human rights in the world.  Just ask those Yemeni kids the Saudis killed with our drones.  HEY!

Thanks, folks!  You’ve been a great audience!  I’ll be here til Thursday, try the veal!

The Kavanaugh Kluster

“The ninth rule of the ethics of means and ends is that any effective means is automatically judged by the opposition as being unethical.”
-Saul Alinsky, Rules for Radicals

On paper, Republicans have enough votes in the Senate to confirm Donald Trump’s second nominee to the Supreme Court, D.C. Circuit Court Judge Brett Kavanaugh. Despite a whole host of reasons raised by liberal Democrats, Republican solidarity, and the more uncertain status of “red state” Democrats, seemed to make Kavanaugh’s confirmation a done deal. But on September 12, Senator Dianne Feinstein’s office revealed the existence of a complaint from a woman who said that Kavanaugh had tried to force himself on her at a party when they were both in high school.

This news resulted in a great deal of anger on the Senate Judiciary Committee, and even among Democrats, due to the impression that this was intended as a surprise tactic. Which was a fair point, up to the fact that Feinstein was asked to keep the account secret, and asking for an outside investigation would have required informing Republican (and Democrat) members of the committee of the matter and thus breaking that confidentiality.

The matter escalated for two reasons. On Sunday September 16, the Washington Post published the account from Professor Christine Blasey, who identified herself as the woman in question. And while Blasey says she wants to testify to the Judiciary Committee, she refuses to do so unless the FBI conducts an investigation of Kavanaugh. The existence of a named complainant had caused some “moderate” Republicans to request a delay in the confirmation hearings, but once both Glasey and Kavanaugh were asked to testify to the Committee on Monday the 24th, some of them, like Susan Collins (R.-Maine) took the party position that Glasey was expected to appear regardless of the conditions she raised.  But then, expecting Susan Collins to buck the Republicans is like being in traffic behind the 80 year old man with his turn signal on: Maybe he’s gonna hurry up and actually make that turn, just not in the next ten miles.

Trump’s party, the same party that (correctly) decided that a president lying about a consensual affair deserved to be impeached are now at pains to excuse what may or may not be a consensual encounter. Judiciary Committee member Chuck Grassley (R.-Iowa) said on Hugh Hewitt’s show, “I’d hate to have somebody ask me what I did 35 years ago.” It turns out that in 2015, Judge Kavanaugh had joked to law students,  “What happens at Georgetown Prep stays at Georgetown Prep.” Apparently Georgetown Prep is like Las Vegas, only with more sex and booze.

According to Blasey’s own account, the only other person involved in the assault, who inadvertently put a stop to it, was Mark Judge, who has described himself in those days as a blackout drinker, so he might not be in position to confirm one way or another, and in any case is not a great character witness. Conservative columnist Rod Dreher points out, “I was in college from 1985-89, and the general cultural sensibility was far more like “Animal House” than it is like today. High school and college kids who got loaded did it mostly to get rid of our inhibitions and have sex. You’d better believe that my memories of drinking culture back then has strongly affected the way I am raising my kids.”

Which only confirms that of all the mistakes I made in my youth, deciding to live sober was not one of them. Cause if I am supposed to believe that getting drunk specifically in order to kill inhibitions was that common then… then that really explains a LOT of what’s going on now, doesn’t it?

Republicans are of course up against a wall. Not only do they have the midterms, the Supreme Court begins its next term of sessions on the traditional first Monday in October. Dragging this out another week would mean the Court has only eight Justices. Of course, Mitch McConnell and the Senate Republicans were fine with the Court having only eight Justices after Antonin Scalia died cause Barack Obama had cooties or something, so… fuck ’em.

The liberal position in this case seems to be the opposite of mine. The liberals are fixated on protecting Roe v. Wade and know that this appointee, like any Republican appointee, would want to strike down that case, and so because they disagree with that particular, they want to cast about for reasons why he would be a bad nominee in general. Whereas in examining Kavanaugh’s record, he is not simply a conservative jurist, which any Republican would be expected to nominate. Specifically, the Republicans have generally been averse to providing any information on Kavanaugh to Democrats on the Senate Judiciary Committee, to the point of timing a “data dump” the day before committee hearings so that such information could not be processed though it was technically provided. Then in hearings, Kavanaugh’s history as a member of the Bush Administration was reviewed, along with his confirmation hearings for the DC court, and he contradicted himself at several points. While legal experts do not think this necessarily amounts to perjury,  Kavanaugh is cementing a reputation of evasiveness. Then there’s the statements he has made. Kavanaugh in hearing refused to confirm to Senator Dianne Feinstein (D.-California) that U.S. v. Nixon was rightly decided and that he would follow that precedent in a future case (on the odd chance that a president might put himself in a situation where he could be under subpoena). He did this by saying: “So, that’s a hypothetical question about what would be an elaboration or a difference from US v. Nixon’s precise holding. And I think, going with the Justice Ginsburg principle, which is really not the Justice Ginsburg alone principle. It’s everyone’s principle on the current Supreme Court, and as a matter of the canons of judicial independence, I can’t give you an answer on that hypothetical question.” (This despite the fact that when Ruth Bader Ginsburg was questioned on the issue of abortion during her confirmation hearing, she stated,  ‘It is essential to woman’s equality with man that she be the decisionmaker, that her choice be controlling ‘) And in regard to abortion itself, very recently Judge Kavanaugh was central to a three-judge panel decision in a case brought by a 17-year-old “Jane Doe” unauthorized immigrant, preventing her from receiving an abortion until such decision was reversed on emergency appeal. This is important because not only does precedent on Roe establish that there is a right to abortion even for female minors but also for non-citizens in this country. Kavanaugh’s decision not only attempted to override the right to abortion but to establish a precedent in which rights that had previously been deemed to apply to non-citizens can be taken by the government.

So while liberals start from a particular concern (abortion rights) and then look for reasons to justify their antipathy to Kavanaugh on general grounds, the real issue – when judicial conservative antipathy to abortion is a given – is that there is already enough general evidence to conclude that Kavanaugh is an ethically unfit nominee and would thus be likely to make an individual decision that is unethical. Not necessarily including manhandling a girl 35 years ago, but perhaps including unequivocally lying about it now.

(As one of Rod Dreher’s commenters put it, ‘I’m afraid that once [Kavanaugh] issued a categorical denial the only important ethical question left is “did he do it?” If not, than all of the above is not applicable. If so, the issue is should we confirm a 53 year old liar, not a 17 year old drunk.’)

Donald Trump, recognizing his lack of conservative bona fides, took the step of getting an approved list of judicial nominees (including Neil Gorsuch). Brett Kavanaugh did not make the first two drafts of that list.  Since 2016, Kavanaugh had given a set of speeches intended to signal allegiance to Heritage Foundation legal positions. In October 2016, Kavanaugh wrote an opinion for the D.C. Circuit court that the President had the capacity to fire the director of the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, a decision that was reversed in that court in January 2018. The “Jane Doe” abortion case was in October 2017. And when Kavanaugh was nominated to the Court in July of 2018, he praised Trump, saying, somewhat improbably, “I’ve witnessed firsthand your appreciation for the vital role of the American judiciary. No President has ever consulted more widely, or talked with more people from more backgrounds, to seek input about a Supreme Court nomination.”  Brett Kavanaugh clearly subscribes to the philosophy, “reality is what helps you pass the exam.”

Of course no matter how embarrassing this whole thing gets for Republicans, they’re going to bull through all objections, because that’s been their philosophy since at least the Merrick Garland nomination, and well before Donald Trump was elected. It’s that much more their philosophy since Trump has taught them that they can get away with public disgrace as long as they get just enough votes in just the right places. So despite all the rancor, Kavanaugh will be confirmed to the Court, because all the Good Christians, covered in their own drool at the prospect of killing Roe v. Wade, will let Trump get what he wants, oblivious to the point that Trump only wants this guy because he’s the only prospect who’s signaled that he will go Trump’s way in the event of a legal confrontation with the government – a possibility that is far stronger than a “hypothetical”.

But I could be wrong. It could be that Trump can be made to back down, as he did in his defenses of Vladimir Putin after sucking up to him in Helsinki. Or perhaps Brett Kavanaugh might have less stomach for sleaze than his boss, and withdraw himself. That would require the Administration to start over again. This would please lots of conservatives who thought that Trump made the wrong choice to begin with, like Catholic columnist Matthew Walther in The Week: “Why not the apparent runner-up, Judge Amy Coney Barrett of the Seventh Circuit Court of Appeals? It is difficult to imagine her being implicated in anything like the present scandal. She was in every imaginable sense a better candidate in the first place. I for one do not relish the prospect of the fifth vote to uphold Roe v. Wade being cast by a would-be rapist appointed by our twice-divorced serial philanderer-in-chief. My sense of humor just isn’t that bleak.”

Well, mine is. Because, “conservatives”, this is what you get when you tether your hopes and dreams and what pass for your ideas to a cult of personality led by a fruitfly-brain who can’t think of anything above himself.

Which reminds me-

Y’all sick of winning yet?

It’s Coming From INSIDE The White House!!! Revisited

“I have almost reached the regrettable conclusion that the Negro’s great stumbling block in his stride toward freedom is not the White Citizen’s Counciler or the Ku Klux Klanner, but the white moderate, who is more devoted to ‘order’ than justice; who prefers a negative peace which is the absence of tension to a positive peace which is the presence of justice.”

– Martin Luther King, Jr., Letter From a Birmingham County Jail

In the wake of Trump cronies Michael Cohen and Paul Manafort getting convicted on tax charges, Donald Trump’s issues continue to escalate. Veteran journalist Bob Woodward released excerpts from his upcoming book on the Trump Administration, Fear: Trump in the White House, that only served to confirm that various named officials loathe Trump, including Chief of Staff John Kelly, who Woodward quotes as saying “we’re in Crazytown… this is the worst job I’ve ever had.” And Kelly was in combat. But then in combat, the people shooting you are usually to your front.

Somehow even this news didn’t get the same attention as the now-famous September 5 piece in The New York Times, “I Am Part of the Resistance Inside the Trump Administration“,  where the Times Op-Ed staff stated first that the author was “a senior official in the Trump administration whose identity is known to us and whose job would be jeopardized by its disclosure. ” (This incidentally rules out Mike Pence, because Vice President is an elected position.) While stressing their conservative bona fides, the author states “the president continues to act in a manner that is detrimental to the health of our republic” and “the president shows little affinity for ideals long espoused by conservatives: free minds, free markets and free people.” Of course the surprise is that anyone is surprised that the quadruple-bankrupt Jersey casino boss and comic relief on The Apprentice is not entirely truthful or ethical. And yet this maneuver raised more hackles than Woodward’s attributed accounts. The piece has of course been pored over by numerous people already. One of the common themes – especially among Trump defenders – is that such insubordination and subversion of policy is an attempt to thwart democracy. Well, first, there’s the practical question of whether Trump has a policy in any given area. But there’s also the point that the only reason Trump is even president is because America is NOT a majoritarian democracy, but a federal republic. Even in that context, voters – or the Electors of their states – chose Donald Trump, not John Kelly or one of the people he hired. But that point just returns the question to where it belongs.

The anonymous Times author tells the readers: “It may be cold comfort in this chaotic era, but Americans should know that there are adults in the room. We fully recognize what is happening. And we are trying to do what’s right even when Donald Trump won’t. The result is a two-track presidency.” But by the author’s own admission, this “two-track presidency” is attempting to enforce sanctions on Russia that Congress demanded and Trump will barely even acknowledge. The author doesn’t even bring up Trump’s violations of human rights on the border, including test run cases to see if the government can take the rights of non-citizens in order to remove them from the rest of us. Assuming that there are adults in the room – which is really debatable – what’s the point of having responsible adults in the room if they can be pushed around by a bratty child? The problem is not the people Trump hired. The problem is that the guy who was elected is NOT a responsible adult.

But still, this sort of thing hurts Trump where he lives, because this account on top of the Woodward expose simply confirms that Trump is not at war with an establishment “deep state” but rather his own people, who may not know much but are either ethical enough to balk at some things or pragmatic enough to realize that their boy is threatening the gravy train.

At various points, liberals have warned that the Administration and its sympathizers are engaging in “gaslighting,” pushing a secret agenda in such a way that they can deny doing so and make their opponents look delusional. Like, how supposedly there’s a white-supremacist plot to use the “OK” gesture as a secret gang sign so that when one of Judge Brett Kavanaugh’s former employees flashed it at his Supreme Court confirmation hearing,  we had to have a serious debate as to whether using the OK sign makes you a racist. But I’ve stated for quite some time that when Donald Trump believes his own hype, lies even when he doesn’t have to (or when it would backfire on him) and doesn’t want facts about him to come out, he ultimately doesn’t believe in objective reality and prefers the notion that changing the consensus means you can change the facts. In other words, he is far more vulnerable to gaslighting than even liberals, who for all their post-modernism, still have the ingrained assumption that outside reality is a thing that exists.

Especially, if Woodward’s account is true, former Economic Advisor Gary Cohn saw an order on Trump’s desk to withdraw from an important trade agreement with South Korea and countered it by simply taking the document off his desk, which indicates not only that Trump is disconnected with reality, he may have no sense of object permanence.

Prior to the release of Michael Wolff’s Fire and Fury, Trump might not have been aware that he was held in such low esteem by his own people, because Trump’s picture is in the dictionary next to “Dunning-Kruger Effect.” But now he knows. And the gaslighting is, he knows but he can’t say exactly WHO said these mean things about him. It could be anybody on his staff. Maybe ALL of them.

But that gets to a question that a lot of commentators have pondered: If the only thing that allows sanity to prevail at court is that the Emperor doesn’t know that his worst impulses are being thwarted, what is the point of letting him know it? It could be that given what we already know about the knife-fighting atmosphere inside the White House, that this piece was actually written by one of the true believers who wanted to raise Trump’s ire for the purpose of getting him to purge anybody who wasn’t sufficiently devoted to goodthink. Which would be the tactic of a truly spiteful, conniving, needledicked bugfucker. In other words, Stephen Miller.

Or, it could be that after Senator Bob Corker’s comment about all the Republicans looking at Trump’s unfitness and quailing, “we don’t want to confront him, we don’t wanna poke the bear!” Anonymous decided, “poke the fucking bear, already.” If Trump really is that unfit, and sensible people can only do so much to conceal that – especially since they can’t conceal Trump’s behavior with other heads of government – then the only way out is through.

Last week I was on Facebook, where someone had posted the line, “I hope there’s never a president who makes us look at Trump the way Trump is making us look at George W. Bush.” Which caused me to bring up my axiom, “every new president somehow lowers the bar.” And some asked how I could apply that to Barack Obama, who was generally a good guy. The point I made was: “The reason I include Obama is because of what he didn’t do. By not prosecuting Bush-Cheney officials for war crimes and not prosecuting the Wall Street culprits of the Great Recession, Obama allowed their bad behavior to stand as precedent. And that lowers the bar. All the liberals who (correctly) condemn Trumpublicans for degrading civic norms need to consider that the other party didn’t enforce them either. ” And one of my liberal Facebook friends went, “Oh brother. Obama was supposed to prosecute for war crimes etc.? Bullshit. The Repugnants would have loved that shit show. Really? How would Obama pull that off? Democrats are not the ‘Benghazi the shit out of it party’. Regardless of war crimes then the reality of trying to prosecute. Did you forget this is the same nation with a monkey in charge? And then you think a black president, Democrat no less can prosecute the previous administration for war crimes? Did you forget this (is) the US of A? “

In the immortal words of Yoda, “that is why you fail.”

I like Obama, but overall, he was kind of passive. In fact, I could argue – and have – that the refusal of Obama and other Democrats to confront the Republican subversion of norms was a huge part of how those norms deteriorated even before Trump. If anything, the rise of Trump should make it clear that there is a recipe for success in bucking the establishment process and not being politically correct. You’re not supposed to bash Mexicans. You’re not supposed to mock disabled people on stage. You’re not supposed to bring up pussies or bleeding. But he did, and he won. Now imagine if such a power was used for Good instead of Evil.

This leads me to something else that happened this week. During the Senate confirmation hearings for Judge Brett Kavanaugh to the Supreme Court, the Republicans only released most of their data on Kavanaugh the day before the start of hearings, so that Democrats wouldn’t have time to go over it. Not only that, the Trump Administration, in an unprecedented step, used “presidential privilege” to withhold access to documents from Kavanaugh’s time in the Bush Administration. Such documents that the Senate has access to were marked “committee confidential” even though the Senate Judiciary Committee was in open session. Well, Senator Cory Booker (D.-New Jersey) decided that rather than having the committee-confidential documents from the Bush era withheld from discussion, he would release them to the public through his office, even though Senator John Cornyn (R.-Texas) reminded him that penalties for violating Senate committee confidentiality included possible expulsion from the Senate. Senator Booker did it anyway.

Cory Booker is everybody who’s ever had to put up with the stifling correctness on a leftist (OR right-wing) Internet forum and its pissy, control-freak moderators and who eventually tells them, “Go ahead and BAN me, motherfucker.”

The difference is, it actually worked, because while Booker might still get censured, kicking him out of the Senate would just force a special election – in Democrat-friendly New Jersey – in which his ouster would necessarily be a central issue. In other words, Booker raised a bluff that he knew the Republicans couldn’t call.

We need more people like him, frankly.

Otherwise the “sane” party of Democrats are just the flip side of “sane” Republicans who enable erosions of the rule of law and the most pungent perversions of justice because they’re more scared of disruptions to regular order. There is no point in playing by the rules when the Republicans threw the rules out years ago. This is exactly why things got to this state: Because everyone in Washington is a fucking marshmallow who goes along to get along.

Anyone who wonders why I’m a “third” party voter, this is a big part of it. Because you “responsible adults in the room” let us all down, and now the republic is endangered because of it.

Mexico Will Pay For The Wall

This is an idea that I call a political meditation in poetry. It is titled “Mexico Will Pay For The Wall.”

Trade wars save jobs

I can screw whores cause I’m saving America for Jesus

Mexico will pay for the wall

Who cares who pays for the wall?
It doesn’t have to mean anything

There is no communication

This is just the sound of a man who loves his own voice

This is a voice with an audience because everyone thinks it’s their own voice

They tell themselves the things they want to hear

Like, Mexico will pay for the wall

I have words. I have the best words.

Words don’t mean things. Words are just feelings.

I could say nonsense shit and the folks would still get it.

Mexico will pay for the covfefe.

There is no lie when I am the only reality

You must get rid of these nineteenth-century ideas about the laws of nature. We make the laws of nature.

War is peace

Freedom is Slavery

Ignorance is strength

And Mexico will pay for the wall

My soul is a pool of acid, bubbling over, overflowing

Eating the wood of the furnishings, running gutters into the marble

Scarring the foundations upon which I stand

Cutting the air with a dominating stink that everyone else in the room

Pretends not to notice

Because Mexico will pay for the wall.

My government can’t investigate me

I AM THE LAW

Respect the badge

He earned it with his blood

Why didn’t mom ever love me

Hiding behind the curtain in the oval office staring out the window looking for fbi trucks and holding a gun barrel under my chin

And Mexico will pay for the wall.

(Inspired in part by ‘Whitey on the Moon‘ by Gil Scott-Heron. The Revolution will be brought to you by Nike.)